Category: Abortion
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The FDA is undermining a culture of life inside and outside the womb
Last Friday during the annual March for Life, President Trump delivered a pledge to the nation: His administration stands for the “infinite worth and God-given dignity of every human life.” Vice President JD Vance’s remarks at the rally were just as clear: We must “build up that culture of life” and “cannot be neutral. Our country cannot be indifferent about whether its next generations live or die.”
Vance and Trump were primarily talking about the unborn. But their principles clearly include providing the right to life — as well as health and safety — for all citizens, especially the most vulnerable among us.
We have entire policies at the FDA dedicated to making it more difficult for children inside and outside the womb to live the lives they deserve.
Unfortunately, these principles have been undermined by a few key officials at the Food and Drug Administration, and not just for unborn children. Thousands of kids with rare diseases have seen valuable treatments slowed or even halted since last summer, thanks to FDA Commissioner Marty Makary and Chief Medical Officer Vinay Prasad.
As one of the oldest living Americans with spina bifida (I celebrate my 60th birthday this year), I understand the value of providing children with rare and fatal diseases the ability to improve or even extend their lives from a personal, policy, and political perspective. I took that knowledge into the first Trump administration as the commissioner of the Administration on Disability at the Department of Health & Human Services. Today, I’m deeply concerned by what Makary, Prasad, and — at times — Health & Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. have done to reduce children’s ability to live the full length of their God-given lives.
Those concerns were why I raised the alarm when RFK Jr. was going through his Senate hearings a year ago. He had been openly supportive of abortion on the presidential campaign trail, but I and other concerned pro-life advocates were told that he would have plenty of pro-lifers around him and that people would become policy. They were right: People did become policy, but not the way we had hoped. Now, we have entire policies at the FDA dedicated to making it more difficult for children inside and outside the womb to live the lives they deserve.
Last October, the FDA outraged pro-life warriors across the country by approving a cheaper version of mifepristone, one of the most prevalent and notorious abortion drugs on the market. Women can have these drugs dropped off in their mailboxes and have abortions in the “comfort” of their own homes. The pro-abortion Guttmacher Institute estimates there were over 640,000 chemical abortions in 2023 — 63% of the total abortions that year.
In 2026, there will be even more.
That number, troubling enough on its own, understates the problem because it doesn’t account for the injuries these drugs inflict on the women who take them. One devastating fact I have learned in my advocacy for people with disabilities is the particular hazard the abortion pill presents for women who use wheelchairs or otherwise live with limited mobility. Any drug that causes blood clots — and abortion drugs definitely do — will be a deadly danger to people who have limited mobility.
FDA Chief Medical Officer Vinay Prasad is similarly problematic for those who support protecting life. He not only supports legalized abortion, but since his appointment in mid-2025, Prasad has held up the production of drugs and treatments that would make real differences in the lives of kids who suffer from rare diseases like Sanfilippo syndrome and Duchenne muscular dystrophy.
In 2018, Prasad opposed the Trump “right to try” doctrine, through which hundreds of patients have seen amazing results from drugs still in their experimental stages or through off-label usage. That number could be higher if Prasad’s red tape weren’t keeping effective drugs in “pre-approval” limbo.
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Photo by Kyle Mazza/Anadolu via Getty Images
At HHS, the buck stops with RFK Jr. But ultimately in our government, the buck stops at the Oval Office. Trump and Vance recommitted to supporting life on Friday, and that commitment must be consistent throughout the administration. The FDA’s actions against the unborn and children with disabilities and rare diseases threaten to undermine what should be a slam dunk for Trump’s pro-life legacy.
In short, HHS and FDA appointees should be defending life, not quietly undermining it. Vance and Trump can make that happen.
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How pro-life groups are misleading you on abortion numbers
Since Roe v. Wade was overturned nearly four years ago, countless pro-life organizations have pushed new regulations on abortion. Many of those same groups have rushed to declare victory, claiming that conservative states are now “abortion-free.”
But when pro-life organizations declare any state “abortion-free,” they celebrate a victory that does not exist — and drastically overstate the impact of pro-life laws.
The preborn babies murdered under the cover of our laws deserve more than semantic victories. They deserve equal protection.
These claims don’t just mislead. They undermine the cause these organizations claim to champion.
Exaggerating victories
The claim that some states are “abortion-free” isn’t rare. It has become standard messaging.
Students for Life published a map three years ago declaring that 14 states are now “abortion-free.” Frank Pavone, who leads Priests for Life, has made the same claim about Mississippi. National Right to Life called Kentucky “abortion-free” as recently as last summer. LifeNews has become notorious for amplifying inflated or misleading abortion claims from pro-life groups at the state level.
These declarations suggest abortion has been eliminated in these states. The reality says otherwise.
Pro-life leaders do not make clear that in every state labeled “abortion-free,” abortions remain legal for women who want to kill their preborn babies.
Many conservative states shut down abortion clinics and imposed penalties on providers. At the same time, those states wrote explicit exemptions into law protecting women from prosecution for willfully obtaining abortions.
That wasn’t a mistake. Pro-life organizations crafted and promoted that policy.
Self-induced abortions
Legal immunity for women who murder their preborn babies created a massive loophole. It also opened the door to a surge in self-induced abortions.
Women in “abortion-free” states can order abortion pills online from telehealth providers operating under shield laws in blue states or from overseas providers.
In many cases, it remains perfectly legal to order these pills, possess them, and use them at home. The scale of this practice — even in conservative states — is staggering.
Consider Kentucky, which National Right to Life called “abortion-free.”
In Kentucky, more than 2,800 women in 2024 received mail-order abortion pills through telehealth providers alone, according to data from the Society of Family Planning.
That does not include the more than 4,300 Kentucky women who traveled to other states for abortions in 2024, according to the Guttmacher Institute. It also does not capture self-induced abortions outside the formal medical system.
Kentucky is not an outlier.
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Carl Lokko via iStock/Getty Images
When all available data is considered, the 14 conservative states that have banned or mostly banned abortion — the same states pro-life groups often call “abortion-free” — saw at least 250,000 preborn babies murdered in 2024.
That number represents a sharp increase from the 181,000 abortions recorded in those states in 2019.
In other words, pro-life laws have not created states with fewer abortions. They have created states where abortion has shifted away from clinics and toward self-induced abortions at home — abortions that remain legal for the mother who commits them.
How can abortion increase while pro-life organizations claim success? Because many have misrepresented what they mean by “abortion-free.”
When these groups say “abortion-free,” they mean abortion clinics have closed. They do not mean abortions have stopped. It’s like calling a city “crime-free” because the district attorney refuses to prosecute criminals. The semantics conceal the reality.
Opposing abolition
Even more troubling, major pro-life organizations often oppose the bills that would actually abolish abortion.
When lawmakers introduce equal protection bills — proposals that would make abortion illegal for everyone, including pregnant mothers — pro-life organizations often mobilize against them.
This has happened dozens of times across the country. The reasoning stays consistent: Pro-life groups insist women are victims of abortion and should not face legal consequences, even when they deliberately order abortion pills and self-induce abortions at home.
When pro-life groups oppose equal protection bills and then claim their states are “abortion-free,” they don’t merely exaggerate. They sabotage.
Everyday anti-abortion Americans hear “abortion-free” and assume the fight is over. Activism slows. Political pressure fades. Donations and support shift elsewhere. Meanwhile organizations that should be pressing for equal protection instead suppress the only laws that would actually end abortion.
In the meantime, abortion continues unabated — simply moved from clinics to living rooms.
The pro-life establishment has redefined victory to fit what it has achieved, not what it claims to seek. It has declared victory over a substitute target — abortion clinics — while the killing of preborn children continues through abortion pills and interstate travel.
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Demanding honesty
Americans who oppose abortion deserve honesty from the organizations claiming to represent them.
If abortion can still be performed legally in a state through mail-order pills, that state is not “abortion-free.” If abortion numbers rise rather than fall, victory has not arrived. If pro-life groups oppose laws that would make abortion illegal for everyone, they owe the public an explanation.
Abolishing abortion requires equal protection under the law: making the killing of any human being illegal for everyone, without exception or compromise.
Until major pro-life organizations support that principle, their claims of creating “abortion-free” states remain not just premature but dishonest.
The preborn babies murdered under the cover of our laws deserve more than semantic victories. They deserve equal protection — and Americans who oppose abortion deserve leaders honest enough to admit when that goal remains unmet.
Nash Keen’s life proves the unborn deserve the law’s protection
Nash Keen holds the Guinness World Record for the most premature infant to survive outside the womb. Born at just 21 weeks’ gestation, Nash’s story forces us to grapple with an unsettling reality: In 29 states and Washington, D.C., the law would have permitted his abortion for at least another week.
At 21 weeks, abortionists commonly use dilation and extraction. Many call it a dismemberment abortion, and the term fits. The procedure requires pulling the child apart.
We’ve made real progress since the Dobbs decision. Thirteen states, including my home state of West Virginia, protect life from the moment of conception.
A Sopher clamp — a metal tool with sharp, serrated jaws — grasps a limb, the torso, or the head. The abortionist twists and tears the body piece by piece. The child has a beating heart and can feel pain. Arms and legs are ripped from the torso. The spine snaps. The skull is crushed so it can pass through the cervix. Blood and tissue are suctioned out. Then the abortionist reassembles the remains on a tray to confirm nothing is left behind.
This barbarity happens tens of thousands of times each year in the United States.
Consider the contrast. At 21 weeks, doctors and nurses fought to keep Nash alive. At the same stage of development, in other hospitals and clinics across the country, medical professionals ended the lives of other babies.
What separates those children? No coherent answer exists because no meaningful difference exists. Every child — born and unborn — bears God-given dignity and deserves the protection of our laws.
This year, Nash will turn 2. His survival, as rare as it is, reveals why so many Americans fight for life — and why we will win.
I plan to do everything I can to protect the most vulnerable among us. That’s why I’m proud to co-sponsor the Life at Conception Act, which aligns federal policy with scientific reality: Life begins at conception, and the law should protect it.
Policymakers must also do more to support mothers and fathers raising children. If we aim — as we should — to end abortion, our laws must protect the unborn and make it easier to raise a family in America.
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Photo by JOSEPH PREZIOSO/AFP via Getty Images
That’s why I have introduced legislation to give low-income families more flexibility to choose the child-care option that fits their situation.
I have also introduced legislation to eliminate marriage penalties that discourage single parents from marrying.
And I have also introduced a bill to close a loophole so women who choose not to return to work after giving birth cannot be forced to reimburse an employer for health insurance premiums from the year they delivered.
Similarly I support legislation that would hold fathers accountable for pregnancy costs as part of child support. I supported expanding the Child Tax Credit in the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, and I advocate extending the credit to cover the months of pregnancy.
We’ve made real progress since the Dobbs decision. Thirteen states, including my home state of West Virginia, protect life from the moment of conception. In Congress, the One Big Beautiful Bill Act finally defunds big-abortion providers.
The fight has only begun. As long as I’m in public service, I will work to protect every life from the moment of conception — and to ensure federal policy puts the American family first.
